In “Class Warfare,” a chapter from Native Nostalgia (2009), Jacob Dlamini explains why he is nostalgic for a time in which working class black South African families widely believed that “education was liberation.” As he argues, there were stark class divisions in apartheid-era Katlehong, the township of his youth, and “working-class culture valued education, not because our social betters said we ought to but because we knew it was valuable” (93).
Draw from Dlamini’s chapter, lectures, and tutorials to explain this argument. Your explanation should address the following questions:
What names, tastes, and behaviours distinguished “the working class” and the “amarespectables” at his apartheid-era school in Katlehong? Identify and explain at least three examples. (3)
1. Names: Dlamini explains that at his apartheid-era school in Katlehong, children from working-class backgrounds typically had names that reflected their parents' aspirations for them to succeed through education. These names were often rooted in traditional African languages and had meanings related to success, knowledge, or prosperity. On the other hand, children from more privileged backgrounds, referred to as the "amarespectables," often had English or Western names that were seen as more sophisticated or sophisticated.
2. Tastes: Dlamini describes how the working class students at his school would often bring simple but nutritious meals like beans and maize to school for lunch, while the amarespectables would bring more expensive and luxurious foods like fried chicken or sandwiches with meat fillings. This difference in tastes highlighted the economic disparities between the two groups and reflected the working-class value of frugality and resourcefulness.
3. Behaviours: Dlamini notes that the working-class students at his school were often more disciplined and hardworking, as they understood the value of education in improving their future prospects. They were encouraged by their families to prioritize their studies and were often taught to be respectful and obedient towards teachers. On the other hand, the amarespectables sometimes exhibited a sense of entitlement and were less motivated to excel academically, as they may have had more resources and opportunities available to them outside of education.
Overall, Dlamini's examples demonstrate how the working class and amarespectables at his school had distinct identities shaped by their backgrounds and values. The working class students valued education as a means of liberation and social mobility, while the amarespectables may have taken their privilege for granted and not fully appreciated the opportunities available to them.