Give me bullet points for the main idea
TOMMY L. LOTT
130 immorality, crime and laziness among the Negroes in the philosophy of Under the legal segregation that followed slavery remains as a heritage from slavery." assimilationist view found a new expression themselves, which w
Douglass's Bookket T Washington, Washington's strategy for changing the appeal conditions of African-Americans was to a to the self-interest at of whites as a key to the elevation African-Americans as a group. Rather than demand social equality. He gave priority to economic development Washington believed it would gradually come with the economic progres of the group. Notwithstanding their much-heralded disagreement over the e of political agitation, Du Bois seems to have accepted certain aspects of Washington's strategy: Along with Washington, for instance, Du Bois advocated social separation from whites "to avoid the friction of races." And Du Bois's assertion that "No people that laughs at itself, and ridicules itself, and wishes to God it was anything but itself ever wrote its name in history seems to be a rewording of Washington's famous statement at the Atlanta Exposition that "No race that has anything to contribute to the markets of the world is long. in any degree, ostracized." Both claims are Douglass's earlier concern with the self-esteem of group. Unlike Washington, however, Du Bois placed a greater emphasis on of Anglo-Saxon culture" on the ground that imitation, que cultural contribution to make and that to accomplish not For Du Bois, sociality would be attained throug must not assimilitural achievements of African-Americans, who must reath reminiscent of African-Americans African-Americans
their race identity in order to accomplish this. When we consider Du Bois's idea of African-Americans gaining social equality through their cultural achievements we must not overlook some of the eatlier proponents of this suggestion, viz., members of the various literary societies in the early part of the nineteenth century and the New Negro literary movement at the beginning of the 1890s. Maria W. Stewart followed David Walker in the tradition of advocating moral uprightness as the basis for elevating the race, a tradition which was perpetuated throughout the nineteenth century by various African-American voluntary associations. We can notice the sense of a mission, for instance, in Anna Julia Cooper's advocacy of an African-American literature "to give the character of beauty and power to the literary utterance of the race." In this vein then we should understand Du Bois's statement that "it is our duty to conserve our physical powers, our intellectual endowments, our spiritual ideals." His somewhat vague proposition here emanated from a history of ideas that assigned a specific role to culture in the elevation of African-Americans as a group.Du Bois on the Invention of Race
14
theories of social change, the African-American cultural imperative created a strong that educated African-Americans would employ intellectual resources in the service of race uplift. On the assumption that expectation culture and politics must coincide, Frances B. W. Harper and Pauline 2. Hopkins presented arguments in their novels for the obligation of the black elite, viz., mulattoes, to refrain from marrying whites, or passing, and instead devote themselves to the betterment of African-Americans a aimed to infiility free members of loyal and to assume duty requiry for elevating other remivers by that there is a specided their teaching a sacrifice of social privilege eging hans to have their teachings when he spoke against the sweetdentity in "the commingled blood of the nation," and when he raised the question "is self-obliteration the highest end to which Negro blood dare aspire?"
The duty to conserve African-American race identity so as to develop a distinct culture derives from an historical context in which the oppression African-Americans as a group obtains. Under such conditions the function of culture is to resist oppression. Even if we accept the idea that African Americans are, ,in some sense, collectively obligated to resist oppression we might still wonder whether they are, for this reason, obligated to conserve their race identity so as to develop a distinctive culture. With regard to the oppression experienced by African-Americans it seems that, for Du Bois, the tof resistance is right of resis tantamount to the right of cultural self-determination. Although African-Americans are, perhaps collectively, obligated to resist oppression in the sense that every African-American has a right not to acculturate into the American mainstream, this does not establish that African-Americans have a duty to conserve a distinctive culture.
RACE, ETHNICITY, AND BIOLOGY
When Du Bois defines race in terms of sociohistorical, rather than biological, or physical, criteria he seems to have blurred an important distinction between race and ethnicity, where the former is understood to refer to biological characteristics and the latter refers chiefly to cultural characteristics. Several commentators have taken him to task for lapsing into this confusion. Their criticisms, however, seen to presuppose that people can be divided into biologically distinct racial groups that develop in relative Isolation. Du Bois's contention was that this ideal-type model of racial and ethnic groups lacks empirical validity, for sociohistorical factors have a greater
Booker132
TOMMYL LOTT
significance for understanding the essentially polical genesis function of such groups. Appiah, for instance, objects to Du Boisk sociohistorial -
or culture premppusen criterion of that groups the ground that a group's history therefore, cannot be a theurbish Du Bois's talkoup's history in history by criterion such that a group's is to be of people from the same place. This moves t identity ackling understood is their African past, and since on two counts. First, Du Bois makes clear that an important pan history history of African-Americans concern with cultural retentions, his point was largely a matter of Secondly, as a criterion of group identity, geography does not racially and culturally however, -
diverse people in various Boxill who given that there are A similar objection has been raised by simply false to maintain that every black American shares a common who points out th reflected in the common mit Instead, Boxill offers a physical definition of race that is Iner racist classifies people into races, whether they share a or not:
a certain kind of I propose that, insofar as black people are a race, they are people who either themselves look black-that i is, have physical appearance or are, at least in part, descended from such a group of people.
Boxil, however, is a bit too hasty in his dismissal of the obvious fact th Brill, how system of classification, comixed blood done thread y Arogy, breaks down when people of mixed thee to the need fit prescribed racial categories. He makes reference to the notion of " to show that, with regard to people of mixed blood, a physical defin race still offers the best account. But he overlooks the fact that this fairly limited to the United States and perhaps to similar societies wid majority white population. Moreover, as I shall indicate shortly, many the practice of racism, which informs Boxill's definition, seem conveniently disregard the biological criteria he takes to be essential.
The best way to meet the objection that a definition of race bud primarily on sociohistorical criteria confuses race with ethnicity is to ap it. In the United States the alleged confusion seems to have become a mun of institutionalized practice. College application forms, for instant frequently display some such confusion when under the ethnic idem category they list racial designations such as "black" and "white" along w ethnic designations such as "Japanese" and "Hispanic." It becomes clear bacture,
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Du Bois on the Invention of Race
much a system of racial and ethnic classification is constructed for political purposes when we take note of certain combined categories such as Alispanic, not black." As primarily a linguistic designation, the term groups of people who consider themselves white, Why then is Hispanic can apply to mixed-blood. there a need for a special category which designates a racial distinction that only singles out black people? black, or The idea that various notions of 111
race have been constructed by racists for political purposes was well recognized in nineteenth-century African- American social thought. In his 1854 essay, "The Claims of the Negro justification in science for the oppression of slaves. He pointed out that by engaging arguments that amount to "scientific moonshine that would connect men with monkeys," they wanted "to separate the Negro race from nation ory itribe in Africa" ained to construct a theory in support of a foregone
A similar accusation was published anonymously in 1859 in an article in the Anglo-African Magazine. The author begins with the claim that thele is no pure unmixed Anglo-Saxon race, arguing that all whites with there isckgrounds (even with Egyptian blood) still claim to be Anglo-Saxon. The buthor then refers to the construction of the Anglo-Saxon race as " legendary theory." The underlying racism of this theory, which relies on the Bible, is exposed by raising the question: if the curse of Canaan is used to prove that black blood is contaminated, what about the curse that marked out Anglo-Saxons for slavery? According to the author, Noah's curse did not point specifically to black people since Cush and Canaan were both sons of Ham. Ethnologists who use Biblical references to establish racial distinctions that imply black inferiority employ "a curious chain of evidence," for there is no African race, i.e., no group with pure African blood. The author reduces to absurdity the Biblical evidence for this belief, according to which:
First, Abyssinians belong to a white race. Secondly, Ethiopians were the same as the Abyssinians. Lastly, the Negroes were Ethiopians.
The conclusion drawn from this reduction argument was that Negroes (Ethiopians) belong to the white race. The author's purpose in presenting this argument seems to have been to urge that all racial terms be treated as misnomers.
These nineteenth-century discussions of race indicate two of the most important factors underlying Du Bois's deconstruction of the biological concept of race, viz., racism and intermingling. Although the identity of
- The main idea is that Du Bois criticized the traditional views on race and advocated for cultural achievements and resistance to oppression as ways to uplift African-Americans.
- Du Bois believed that African-Americans should prioritize economic development over social equality, similar to Booker T. Washington.
- Du Bois emphasized the importance of cultural contributions and the preservation of race identity in achieving social equality.
- Du Bois rejected the biological concept of race and argued for a sociohistorical understanding of race and ethnicity.
- He criticized the construction of racial categories for political purposes and argued against the idea of pure races.
Give me 10
1. Du Bois criticized traditional views on race and advocated for cultural achievements and resistance to oppression.
2. He prioritized economic development over social equality, similar to Booker T. Washington.
3. Du Bois emphasized the importance of cultural contributions and the preservation of race identity in achieving social equality.
4. He rejected the biological concept of race and argued for a sociohistorical understanding of race and ethnicity.
5. Du Bois believed that racial categories were constructed for political purposes.
6. He argued against the idea of pure races and highlighted the intermingling of different races.
7. Du Bois critiqued the use of science to justify the oppression of slaves.
8. He pointed out the racist nature of theories that connect race with inferiority.
9. Du Bois questioned the use of Biblical references to establish racial distinctions.
10. He urged for racial terms to be treated as misnomers.
Give me some thoughts
1. Du Bois's emphasis on cultural achievements and resistance to oppression highlights the importance of agency and empowerment within marginalized communities.
2. The prioritization of economic development over social equality, as advocated by Du Bois and Booker T. Washington, raises questions about the balance between material progress and societal transformation.
3. The preservation of race identity and cultural contributions can be seen as a form of cultural resistance against assimilation, asserting the value and uniqueness of marginalized communities.
4. Du Bois's rejection of the biological concept of race challenges essentialist notions of identity and highlights the fluidity and complexity of racial categories.
5. The critique of racial construction for political purposes underscores the ways in which power dynamics influence the categorization and treatment of different racial groups.
6. The recognition of intermingling among different races challenges notions of racial purity and emphasizes the shared history and interconnectedness of diverse communities.
7. Du Bois's critique of using science to justify oppression highlights the danger of using pseudo-scientific claims to perpetuate discrimination and dehumanization.
8. The questioning of Biblical references to establish racial distinctions raises concerns about the intersection of religion and racism and the harmful consequences of using religious texts to justify inequality.
9. Du Bois's call for racial terms to be treated as misnomers prompts reflection on the limitations and biases of language in capturing the complexity of human identity and experiences.
10. Overall, Du Bois's thoughts provoke deeper reflection on the social, political, and cultural dynamics that shape racial identity and inequality, challenging dominant narratives and offering alternative frameworks for understanding and addressing these issues.
Simplify
1. Du Bois emphasized the importance of cultural achievements and resistance to oppression.
2. He believed in prioritizing economic development and preserving race identity for social equality.
3. Du Bois rejected the idea of biological races and critiqued the construction of racial categories for political purposes.
4. He highlighted the interconnectedness of different races and the dangers of using science and religion to justify oppression.
5. Du Bois called for racial terms to be seen as misnomers and encouraged reflection on language and identity.
More bullet points
1. Du Bois emphasized cultural achievements and resistance as important tools for marginalized communities.
2. He believed economic development should be prioritized for social equality.
3. Du Bois rejected the concept of biological races and critiqued the construction of racial categories for political purposes.
4. He highlighted the interconnectedness of different races and criticized the use of science and religion to justify oppression.
5. Du Bois called for a reconsideration of racial terms and encouraged reflection on language and identity.
6. His ideas challenged dominant narratives and offered alternative frameworks for understanding and addressing racial inequality.
7. Du Bois's thoughts prompted deeper reflection on social, political, and cultural dynamics that shape racial identity.
8. He advocated for agency and empowerment within marginalized communities.
9. Du Bois sought to preserve race identity as a form of cultural resistance against assimilation.
10. He emphasized the fluidity and complexity of racial categories, questioning notions of racial purity.