During the 1930s, the combination of the Great Depression and the memory of tragic losses in World War I contributed to pushing American public opinion and policy toward isolationism. Isolationists advocated non-involvement in European and Asian conflicts and non-entanglement in international politics. Although the United States took measures to avoid political and military conflicts across the oceans, it continued to expand economically and protect its interests in Latin America. The leaders of the isolationist movement drew upon history to bolster their position. In his “Farewell Address,” President George Washington had advocated non-involvement in European wars and politics. For much of the nineteenth century, the expanse of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans had made it possible for the United States to enjoy a kind of “free security” and remain largely detached from Old World conflicts. During World War I, however, President Woodrow Wilson made a case for U.S. intervention in the conflict and a U.S. interest in maintaining a peaceful world order. Nevertheless, the American experience in that war served to bolster the arguments of isolationists; they argued that marginal U.S. interests in the conflict did not justify the number of U.S. casualties.
Upon taking office, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt believed the U.S. should join the war, but he was limited by the strength of isolationism in Congress. In 1933, President Roosevelt proposed a Congressional measure that would have granted him the right to consult with other nations to place pressure on aggressors in international conflicts. The bill ran into strong opposition from the leading isolationists in Congress, including progressive politicians such as senators Hiram Johnson of California, William Borah of Idaho, and Robert La Follette of Wisconsin. In 1935, controversy over U.S. participation in the World Court elicited similar opposition. As tensions rose in Europe over Nazi Germany’s aggressive maneuvers, Congress pushed through a series of Neutrality Acts, which served to prevent American ships and citizens from becoming entangled in outside conflicts.
The isolationists were a diverse group, including progressives and conservatives, business owners and peace activists, but because they faced no consistent, organized opposition from internationalists, their ideology triumphed time and again. Roosevelt appeared to accept the strength of the isolationist elements in Congress until 1937. In that year, as the situation in Europe continued to grow worse and war between Japan and China began in Asia, the President gave a speech in which he likened international aggression to a disease that other nations must work to “quarantine.” At that time, however, Americans were still not prepared to risk their lives and livelihoods for peace abroad. Even the outbreak of war in Europe in 1939 did not suddenly diffuse popular desire to avoid international entanglements. Instead, public opinion shifted from favoring complete neutrality to supporting limited U.S. aid to the Allies short of actual intervention in the war.
U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt followed the news of fighting in Europe with obvious concern, knowing his countrymen did not want to be involved. He even ran for an unheard-of third term with the slogan: “He kept us out of war.” At the time, this was still allowed.
But, he also knew that if Germany ever controlled all of Europe, its power would be colossal. So, sometimes quietly, sometimes forcefully, he moved his nation to greater preparedness, increasing the size of the U.S. Navy and Army. Roosevelt wanted the nation to be ready. In 1941, Roosevelt signed the Lend-Lease Act. This act allowed the U.S. to supply arms and military supplies to Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China, as well as any country whose defense was “vital to the security of the United States.” Thus, although the United States did not technically join the war, its allegiances and aims were clear.
Japanese leaders felt that they were being unfairly held back by the United States, Great Britain, and the Netherlands. Together, these three nations controlled most of the natural resources, especially oil, to the south of Japan, in what is now Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Western powers said they would not sell resources to the Japanese if their government did not remove its troops from China and renounce its ambitions there. But the proud Japanese wanted to have their own empire in order to be one of the great nations of the world.
This meant certain war with the West. It would require a bold attack on the United States Pacific Fleet, which President Roosevelt had recently redeployed from its homeport in San Diego to Pearl Harbor in the Hawaiian Islands. Such an assault would require careful planning, intense training, absolute secrecy and complete surprise. Japanese Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto’s plan was to first cripple the American fleet and then to force a gigantic naval battle in the Pacific. The Japanese, according to Yamamoto’s plan, would win and force Roosevelt to yield to Tokyo’s demands. As such, Japan made a direct strike against the United States, which was the one country with the natural resources, the population and the industrial capacity to crush Japan.
By every military measure, Japan’s early-morning attack on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, was a success. Its aircraft carriers managed to cross the Pacific Ocean without being spotted, and its torpedo and dive bombers achieved complete surprise against the sleeping American fleet. All eight American battleships were disabled or sent to the bottom, as were dozens of smaller vessels. More than 2,000 sailors died that day. By contrast, the Japanese attackers lost only a few pilots and planes, and no ships. Admiral Yamamoto had every reason to be proud. He had only two reasons for immediate concern. First, the three large American aircraft carriers attached to the Pacific Fleet were not in Pearl Harbor, but were at sea on a practice mission, and the Japanese aviators could not find them. Second, Yamamoto had not thought to order his pilots to blow up the giant oil tanks and fuel storage facilities that dotted the area around Pearl Harbor. Despite his great victory, Yamamoto had reasons to worry. He expected the United States would gather its enormous human and material resources against Japan, and he knew his cause was almost hopeless.
The great national debate about whether the United States should get involved in World War II essentially ended when the first bombs fell on the Hawaiian Islands. The next day, Roosevelt spoke
The great national debate about whether the United States should get involved in World War II essentially ended when the first bombs fell on the Hawaiian Islands. The next day, Roosevelt spoke before a joint session of Congress and asked for a Declaration of War against the Empire of Japan, which was approved without debate and almost without objection. Surprisingly, on December 10, Germany declared war on the United States, even though Hitler’s treaty with Japan was a defensive arrangement that did not require him to act because Japan had been the aggressor.
President Roosevelt was happy that the United States was in the war, and in fact, he had manipulated the Japanese into firing the first shot. But he had expected the initial Japanese attack to be against the Philippines and was shocked by what happened at Pearl Harbor. Roosevelt would be able to funnel national anger at Japan into a much more critical war against Germany, which he knew was actually the greater threat.
:using this context: record 10 annotations
1. In the 1930s, the U.S. adopted a policy of isolationism, which meant staying out of conflicts in Europe and Asia and avoiding international politics. This was influenced by the Great Depression and the memory of World War I.
2. Isolationists argued that the U.S. should not get involved in European wars, citing President George Washington's "Farewell Address" as historical support for non-involvement.
3. The U.S. continued to expand economically during this time and protect its interests in Latin America, despite its isolationist stance in world politics.
4. President Franklin D. Roosevelt wanted to join the war, but faced strong opposition from isolationists in Congress. He proposed a measure in 1933 to consult with other nations to pressure aggressors in international conflicts, but it was met with resistance.
5. In response to rising tensions in Europe, Congress passed the Neutrality Acts in the 1930s to prevent American involvement in outside conflicts.
6. Isolationists were a diverse group, including both progressives and conservatives, business owners, and peace activists. They faced little opposition from internationalists, which helped their ideology prevail.
7. Although Roosevelt initially accepted the strength of isolationism, the situation in Europe and Asia pushed him towards a more interventionist stance. In 1937, he gave a speech comparing international aggression to a disease that needed to be "quarantined."
8. Even as war broke out in Europe, public opinion in the U.S. still favored avoiding international entanglements. Support shifted from complete neutrality to limited aid to the Allies without direct intervention.
9. Roosevelt increased the size of the U.S. Navy and Army in preparation for potential involvement in the war, but he still needed public support. He ran for an unprecedented third term with the slogan "He kept us out of war."
10. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 ended the debate on American involvement in World War II. Roosevelt asked Congress for a Declaration of War against Japan, which was approved without debate, and Germany declared war on the U.S. three days later.