We know of no laws binding upon us, but such as have been transmitted to us by our ancestors, and such as have been consented to by ourselves, or our representatives elected for that purpose. What laws, stamped with those characters, have we withstood? We have, indeed, defended them; and we will risk every thing, do every thing, and suffer every thing in their defence. To support our laws, and our liberties established by our laws, we have prepared, ordered, and levied war. But is this traitorously? or against the King? We view him as the constitution represents him; that tells us he can do no wrong. The cruel and illegal attacks which we oppose, have no foundation in the royal authority. We will not, on our part, lose the distinction between the King and his ministers. Happy it would have been for some former princes, had it been always preserved on that part of the crown!
Besides all this, we observe, on this part of the proclamation, that "Rebellion" is a term undefined and unknown in the law. It might have been expected, that a proclamation, which, by the constitution, has no other operation than merely that of enforcing what is already law, would have had a known legal basis to have rested upon. A correspondence between the inhabitants of Great Britain and their brethren in America, produced, in better times, much satisfaction to individuals, and much advantage to the public. By what criterion shall one who is unwilling to break off this correspondence, and is at the same time anxious not to expose himself to the dreadful consequences threatened in this proclamation,—by what criterion shall he regulate his conduct? He is admonished not to carry on correspondence with the persons now in rebellion in the colonies: How shall he ascertain who are in rebellion, and who are not? He consults the law to learn the nature of the supposed crime. The law is silent upon the subject. This, in a country where it has been often said, and formerly with justice, that the government is regulated by law, and not by men, might make him perfectly easy. But proclamations have been sometimes dangerous engines in the hands of those in power. Information is commanded to be given to one of the Secretaries of State, of all persons whatsoever "who shall be found carrying on correspondence with the persons in rebellion, in order to bring to condign punishment the authors, perpetrators, or abettors, of such dangerous designs."
The authors use which device to illustrate the firmness of their stance?
Answer options with 4 options
1.
references to authorities, including the King and Secretaries of State, who are legal experts
2.
an appeal to emotion which recalls a once prosperous relationship between the two parties
3.
repetition of "every thing" at the end of successive phrases to display a willingness to sacrifice
4.
a series of rhetorical questions that suggest various reasons why rebellion is a flawed term