Since the of a female doctor by a group of Pakistani soldiers on January 2, 2005, in a hospital located on the largest natural gas production facility in Sui, Baluchistan, numerous attacks have increased which have led to a confrontation between the parliamentary forces of Pakistan and the local Bugtis, one of the largest Baluch tribes (Freedom House). Approximately 1,568 terrorist attacks occurred through April 3, 2005. However the attacks were not limited to tribal areas, but have instead targeted Pakistani armed forces and Chinese nationals working on regional projects in the province of Baluchistan (Freedom House). These development projects have further fueled the tension between Baluch people and the federal government.

Conflict between Baluchistan and the federal government of Pakistan has been among the most persistent of the many province oppositions in the country. During the disintegration of colonialism, after 1945, newly formed states in Asia and Africa declared their independence. As a result, these newly formed states established borders that had been previously drawn to accommodate the political and administrative interests of the colonial power (Hurrf & Gurr 21). Hence, Baluchistan now sits in three countries Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran (Harrison 55). In 1947, Pakistan declared its independence, which included the territory of Baluchistan. This fueled Baluch nationalists’ desire for autonomy. However, the Islamabad government had different plans; they sought to assimilate Baluch identity into Pakistani identity. Since then the Pakistani government of Islamabad has come into conflict with the Baluch on four different occasions, in 1948, 1958, 1960 and the most brutal confrontation in 1973 to 1977 (Harrison 55).
During the1970s, a prolonged insurgency took place in the province of Baluchistan between Baluch revolt and the Pakistani government. Over fifty five thousand tribesmen fought against seventy thousand Pakistani Army troops (Grare 6). This was led after the Pakistani Political Party (PPP) implemented a new constitution that would increase provincial autonomy. However, tensions between the Baluchistan provincial government and the Pakistani central government increased, over limitations of autonomy. By 1973, the PPP government dismissed the Baluchistan province governors, under the allegations that there was a plot emerging to overthrow the government (Akhtar 74). Though, Baluchistan provincial government was not initially involved with the guerrilla preparations. It wasn’t until after the dismissal that Baloch tribal chief, Bakhsh Marri, announced his support for the guerrillas. At first this movement did not seek independence, but Baluch nationalist, especially the younger generation later maintained that “nothing less than independence for Baluchistan was acceptable” (Akhtar 75). The Baluch struggle during the 1970’s, most importantly the insurgency, left a prolonged resentment and enduring hostility towards the Pakistani government.
Currently, Pakistan is governed as an “ethnic nation” with dictatorial political structure (Jaffrelot 32). It remains firmly under the control of the military government headed by General Pervez Musharraf a military bureaucrat who rules under Islamic principles (Grare 4). In 2001, Musharraf, declared himself president. In 2002, he amended the Pakistan constitution without the participation of parliament. This Legal Framework Order (LFO) amendment further gave Musharraf complete control over parliament which he used to change the electoral rules to the disadvantage of opposition parties (Freedom House). The LFO also gave him the right to dismiss the national and provincial parliaments, as well as provide for a National Security Council under the control of military figures that would supervise the work of a civilian cabinet. Thus, Mushrraf’s reforms further emphasized the already centralized character of the constitution, making small provinces to feel alienated.
Moreover, although the current rise of Baloch nationalism is not completely centered on ethnicity per se. One cannot help but recognize the ethnic differences that are persistent among the Pakistani governmental structure. Today, the dominant military government is affiliated with the ethnic Punjabi-Mojahir ethnic group alliance (Jaffrelot 52). Punjabis are a heterogeneous group comprising different tribes and communities. Currently, Punjabi ethnic group holds 93 seats out of the 120 seats in the senate (Jaffrelot 52).
Nevertheless, the current conflict between Baluchistan and the federal government is due mainly to the development projects across the province. These projects include the Gwadar deep sea port, Mirami dam coastal highway, and oil and gas exploration activities (Grare 2). However, instead of cheering the projects, the Baluch, faced with slowing population growth, responded with fear that they would be dispossessed of their land and resources and of their distinct identity (Grare 5).
Baluchistan is the poorest province of Pakistan. It has failed to benefit from its own natural resources (Grare 4). The Pakistani government has expropriated Baluchistan land the for recreation area. Despite being the richest province in terms of energy and mineral resources, Baluchistan remains one of the most underdeveloped provinces. Baluchistan subsoil holds a significant portion of Pakistan’s energy and mineral resources. It accounts for 36% of its total gas production (Grare 4). However, Baluchistan only consumes 17% of its own production. The remaining 83% is distributed throughout the rest of the country. Furthermore, Baluchistan receives only 12.4% of the earnings due to it for its supply (Grare 5). Over 70% of the Baloch population lives on a part of their traditional territory in Pakistan. Baluchistan is the largest among Pakistan’s four provinces, comprising 43% of land area, but only 6% of Pakistan’s total population (Jafferelot 31). Baloch trace their roots to tribes that migrated east from around Aleppo, in Syria before Christian era. Baloch speak Balochi, part of the Iranian group of Indo-European languages. The majority of Baloch peoples are Hanafi Sunni, of Islam faith (Jafferelot

During the1970s, a prolonged insurgency took place in the province of Baluchistan between Baluch revolt and the Pakistani government. Over fifty five thousand tribesmen fought against seventy thousand Pakistani Army troops (Grare 6). This was led after the Pakistani Political Party (PPP) implemented a new constitution that would increase provincial autonomy. However, tensions between the Baluchistan provincial government and the Pakistani central government increased, over limitations of autonomy. By 1973, the PPP government dismissed the Baluchistan province governors, under the allegations that there was a plot emerging to overthrow the government (Akhtar 74). Though, Baluchistan provincial government was not initially involved with the guerrilla preparations. It wasn’t until after the dismissal that Baloch tribal chief, Bakhsh Marri, announced his support for the guerrillas. At first this movement did not seek independence, but Baluch nationalist, especially the younger generation later maintained that “nothing less than independence for Baluchistan was acceptable” (Akhtar 75). The Baluch struggle during the 1970’s, most importantly the insurgency, left a prolonged resentment and enduring hostility towards the Pakistani government.

Currently, Pakistan is governed as an “ethnic nation” with dictatorial political structure (Jaffrelot 32). It remains firmly under the control of the military government headed by General Pervez Musharraf a military bureaucrat who rules under Islamic principles (Grare 4). In 2001, Musharraf, declared himself president. In 2002, he amended the Pakistan constitution without the participation of parliament. This Legal Framework Order (LFO) amendment further gave Musharraf complete control over parliament which he used to change the electoral rules to the disadvantage of opposition parties (Freedom House). The LFO also gave him the right to dismiss the national and provincial parliaments, as well as provide for a National Security Council under the control of military figures that would supervise the work of a civilian cabinet. Thus, Mushrraf’s reforms further emphasized the already centralized character of the constitution, making small provinces to feel alienated.